Catalan language is spoken outside the limits of the Catalonia autonomous community. One of the regions where the language is spoken is Aragon. Once a confederated kingdom with the Catalan one, today Aragon is highly hispanicized. In spite of this Aragon preserves its own language, Aragonese, only spoken by about five thousand people.
Today is enforced the Aragon languages' law approved last December. After years of broken promises, the Aragonese parliament approved the so-called “languages law” on 16.12.2009. It’s the first time that Aragonese and Catalan are recognized officially. Law is considered highly weak by languages militants but introduce several improvements. Everyone can use his/her own language in his/her relation with the institutions, everyone can learn the language and Catalan as well as Aragonese are considered “originals, historical and own languages” by the parliament. Spanish language still would be the only official one.
With this recognition, Catalan is recognized in all the territories where it is spoken. In spite of this the language is not official yet in Aragon (Spanish state), Northern Catalonia (French state) and L’Alguer (Italian state). Not official yet; but it has been recognized everywhere.
Last May more than a thousand people demonstrated in Zaragoza giving support to the law. They demanded three official languages too (Aragonese, Catalan and Spanish). Half of the way done.
dissabte, 30 de gener del 2010
dimarts, 26 de gener del 2010
Swiss newspaper argues about cinema law and Emma Collective answers
The Deutsch language newspaper “Tanges Anzeiger” from Switzerland surprised us with a note questioning the new Catalan cinema law proposal. The law, proposed by the government, and still to be approved establishes half of the films in Catalan language. Nowadays the proportion is far from equality: 97 % in Spanish and 3 % in Catalan. Some members of the Emma Collective answered the article with strong arguments:
- how can the journalist compare a democratic law with the Fascist law which imposed all the films to be dubbed in Spanish?.
- Did the journalist find normal that in Germany could be no films in German language (dubbed or subtitled)?.
- Did he knows the Swiss legislation in that aspect (70th article of the Swiss constitution, as well as the Film Gesetz (2002), the Verordnung über die Förderung Film (2006) or Sprache Gesetz (2007)
- The newspaper says that Catalan people are obsessed by their language. Emma answers how the German-speaking people could be if their language was forbidden in the European parliament the so-called shrine of the “unity in diversity” slogan.
Here are some of the answers (in German language):
1) Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren
Ich habe Ihren oben erwähnten Artikel von Herrn Martin Dahms, Madrid, über die Förderung der Katalanischen Sprache seitens der autonomen Katalonischen Regierung sehr sorgfältig gelesen. Ich füge einige Bedenken bei. Herr Dahms bezieht sich auf den historischen Präzedenzfall, als General Franco in Spanien zwang, sämtliche Filmproduktionen auf Spanisch zu übersetzen. Wagt es Herr Dahms eine faschistische Diktatur mit der Regierung eines demokratischen Parlamentes gleichzusetzen? General Franco zeichnete sich aus durch das Verbot der Verwendung einer Sprache (Behörden, Schulen, Reden im öffentlichen Leben) in ihrem eigenen Sprachraum (Katalonien) während das Katalanische Parlament nur den Gebrauch der eigenen Sprache auf ihrem eigenen Sprachgebiet verteidigt ohne eine andere Sprache zu unterdrücken. Das neue Gesetz verlangt lediglich, dass nur 50% der Filme auf Katalanisch übersetzt werden! Herr Dahms hätte einen besseren Präzedenzfall gefunden im spanischen „Film-Gesetz“ von 2007, wo es heisst, dass Filme in sämtlichen Sprachen von Spanien übersetzt oder mit Untertitel versehen werden. Weiss Herr Dahms nicht, dass der Artikel 70 der Schweizerischen Bundesverfassung, Film-Gesetz (2002), Verordnung über die Förderung Film (2006) und das Sprache Gesetz (2007) regelt, wie in der Schweiz die reiche Sprach- und Kulturvielfalt geschützt werden müssen? Würde es Herr Dahms normal finden, wenn es in Zürich (oder muss ich wohl eine deutsche Stadt nehmen aus seinem Heimatland?) keine TV, Radio, Schulen und Kinos in Deutscher Sprache gäbe? Würde es Herr Dahms normal finden, wenn einem Zürcher Politiker verboten würde, im Bundeshaus in Bern Deutsch zu sprechen? So geschieht es derzeit mit dem Katalanischen im Spanischen Parlament. Würde er dann nicht auch besessen (um seine Terminologie zu gebrauchen) seine Muttersprache schützen? Und zum Schluss, Herr Dahms, die Katalaner und ihre Politiker mögen sich einige male oder vielleicht auch viele male geirrt haben im Prozess, ein Gleichgewicht zwischen lebendiger Sprache und die Verteidigung der kulturellen eigenen Identität zu schaffen. Aber es freut mich doch sehr zu wissen, dass es auch Leute gibt, die die grosse Leistung anerkennen (Europarat, Ministerkomitee, European Chapter für die Regional- und Minderheitensprachen; Bericht vom Experten-Ausschuss – 2008)!
Carles Torres
2) Sehr geehrte Herrn Direktor: ich habe zufälich eine Kopie von ihres “Tages Anzeiger” auf einem Stuhl in wiener Flughafen Schwechat gefunden, und ich war erst schokiert, dann nacher überreutsch, endlich ärger über den Artikel über Katalonien das ich gefunden habe auf seinen Seiten.
Nur ein paar Sachen: Katalanisch ist die Sprache von etwa 10 millionen Menschen, die in Spanien, Frankreich (Nord Katalonien) und sogar in Italien (Alghero, für uns l'Alguer) leben. Ein paar Wochen her Politikern von alle diese Örte haben eine Zusammentreffung um unsere Sprache zum konsolidieren durchgeführt.
Ich bin Urenkel eines Deutsches, Sohn von einem Vater aus Baskenland und eine Mutter aus Katalonien, und beide Spräche haben unter die militärisch Stiefeln übergelebt, gegen antidemokratische Regierung und Journalisten die kaum Idee haben, um was darüber schreiben.
Mit freundlichen Grüssen aus Mallorca, wo man auch katalanisch redet.
Natxo Knörr i Borràs
3) Meine Damen und Herren
Ich habe heute, den 24. Januar, Ihren Artikel über Katalonien gelesen. Ich bin empört über einige Ihrer Aussagen.
Katalonien ist eine alte Nation mit eigener Sprache und Kultur. Nach einem Krieg, im Jahr 1714, verliert Katalonien seine Institutionen und wurde gezwungenermassen Teil des Spanischen Staates. Seitdem hat das Katalanische Volk mehrere brutale Repressionen gegen seine Sprache und Kultur erlebt. Früchte dieser Repressionen gegen unsere Sprache ist die aktuelle Situation: wir können im eigenen Land nicht in unserer eigenen Sprache leben. Es ist zum Beispiel sehr schwierig einen Film in der eigenen Sprache besuchen zu können oder sogar einen Kaffee in der eigenen Sprache zu bestellen.
Die Generalitat von Katalonien versucht nun diese Diskriminierung etwas zu mildern.
Katalonien versucht nun nach Jahrhunderten von Diktaturen und Repressionen jetzt mit demokratischen Mitteln seine Sprache zu schützen , das ist ein Recht jedes Volkes auf eigenem Boden auf seine Sprache leben zu können und dieses Recht ist heutzutage in Katalonien nicht garantiert.
Dolors Ferrer Noguer
- how can the journalist compare a democratic law with the Fascist law which imposed all the films to be dubbed in Spanish?.
- Did the journalist find normal that in Germany could be no films in German language (dubbed or subtitled)?.
- Did he knows the Swiss legislation in that aspect (70th article of the Swiss constitution, as well as the Film Gesetz (2002), the Verordnung über die Förderung Film (2006) or Sprache Gesetz (2007)
- The newspaper says that Catalan people are obsessed by their language. Emma answers how the German-speaking people could be if their language was forbidden in the European parliament the so-called shrine of the “unity in diversity” slogan.
The sticker says. Is this equality?. 97% cinema in Spanish, 3 % in Catalan.
Here are some of the answers (in German language):
1) Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren
Ich habe Ihren oben erwähnten Artikel von Herrn Martin Dahms, Madrid, über die Förderung der Katalanischen Sprache seitens der autonomen Katalonischen Regierung sehr sorgfältig gelesen. Ich füge einige Bedenken bei. Herr Dahms bezieht sich auf den historischen Präzedenzfall, als General Franco in Spanien zwang, sämtliche Filmproduktionen auf Spanisch zu übersetzen. Wagt es Herr Dahms eine faschistische Diktatur mit der Regierung eines demokratischen Parlamentes gleichzusetzen? General Franco zeichnete sich aus durch das Verbot der Verwendung einer Sprache (Behörden, Schulen, Reden im öffentlichen Leben) in ihrem eigenen Sprachraum (Katalonien) während das Katalanische Parlament nur den Gebrauch der eigenen Sprache auf ihrem eigenen Sprachgebiet verteidigt ohne eine andere Sprache zu unterdrücken. Das neue Gesetz verlangt lediglich, dass nur 50% der Filme auf Katalanisch übersetzt werden! Herr Dahms hätte einen besseren Präzedenzfall gefunden im spanischen „Film-Gesetz“ von 2007, wo es heisst, dass Filme in sämtlichen Sprachen von Spanien übersetzt oder mit Untertitel versehen werden. Weiss Herr Dahms nicht, dass der Artikel 70 der Schweizerischen Bundesverfassung, Film-Gesetz (2002), Verordnung über die Förderung Film (2006) und das Sprache Gesetz (2007) regelt, wie in der Schweiz die reiche Sprach- und Kulturvielfalt geschützt werden müssen? Würde es Herr Dahms normal finden, wenn es in Zürich (oder muss ich wohl eine deutsche Stadt nehmen aus seinem Heimatland?) keine TV, Radio, Schulen und Kinos in Deutscher Sprache gäbe? Würde es Herr Dahms normal finden, wenn einem Zürcher Politiker verboten würde, im Bundeshaus in Bern Deutsch zu sprechen? So geschieht es derzeit mit dem Katalanischen im Spanischen Parlament. Würde er dann nicht auch besessen (um seine Terminologie zu gebrauchen) seine Muttersprache schützen? Und zum Schluss, Herr Dahms, die Katalaner und ihre Politiker mögen sich einige male oder vielleicht auch viele male geirrt haben im Prozess, ein Gleichgewicht zwischen lebendiger Sprache und die Verteidigung der kulturellen eigenen Identität zu schaffen. Aber es freut mich doch sehr zu wissen, dass es auch Leute gibt, die die grosse Leistung anerkennen (Europarat, Ministerkomitee, European Chapter für die Regional- und Minderheitensprachen; Bericht vom Experten-Ausschuss – 2008)!
Carles Torres
2) Sehr geehrte Herrn Direktor: ich habe zufälich eine Kopie von ihres “Tages Anzeiger” auf einem Stuhl in wiener Flughafen Schwechat gefunden, und ich war erst schokiert, dann nacher überreutsch, endlich ärger über den Artikel über Katalonien das ich gefunden habe auf seinen Seiten.
Nur ein paar Sachen: Katalanisch ist die Sprache von etwa 10 millionen Menschen, die in Spanien, Frankreich (Nord Katalonien) und sogar in Italien (Alghero, für uns l'Alguer) leben. Ein paar Wochen her Politikern von alle diese Örte haben eine Zusammentreffung um unsere Sprache zum konsolidieren durchgeführt.
Ich bin Urenkel eines Deutsches, Sohn von einem Vater aus Baskenland und eine Mutter aus Katalonien, und beide Spräche haben unter die militärisch Stiefeln übergelebt, gegen antidemokratische Regierung und Journalisten die kaum Idee haben, um was darüber schreiben.
Mit freundlichen Grüssen aus Mallorca, wo man auch katalanisch redet.
Natxo Knörr i Borràs
3) Meine Damen und Herren
Ich habe heute, den 24. Januar, Ihren Artikel über Katalonien gelesen. Ich bin empört über einige Ihrer Aussagen.
Katalonien ist eine alte Nation mit eigener Sprache und Kultur. Nach einem Krieg, im Jahr 1714, verliert Katalonien seine Institutionen und wurde gezwungenermassen Teil des Spanischen Staates. Seitdem hat das Katalanische Volk mehrere brutale Repressionen gegen seine Sprache und Kultur erlebt. Früchte dieser Repressionen gegen unsere Sprache ist die aktuelle Situation: wir können im eigenen Land nicht in unserer eigenen Sprache leben. Es ist zum Beispiel sehr schwierig einen Film in der eigenen Sprache besuchen zu können oder sogar einen Kaffee in der eigenen Sprache zu bestellen.
Die Generalitat von Katalonien versucht nun diese Diskriminierung etwas zu mildern.
Katalonien versucht nun nach Jahrhunderten von Diktaturen und Repressionen jetzt mit demokratischen Mitteln seine Sprache zu schützen , das ist ein Recht jedes Volkes auf eigenem Boden auf seine Sprache leben zu können und dieses Recht ist heutzutage in Katalonien nicht garantiert.
Dolors Ferrer Noguer
dimecres, 20 de gener del 2010
Valencian people climb to break the TV borders
The autonomous government of the Valencian Country is ruled by the Spanish Popular Party. Three years ago this government decided to act severely against the TV’s reception of the neighbour autonomy: Catalonia. It tried to cut the reception. In spite of these, Catalan autonomy receives well the Valencian TV which is partially in Valencian. Catalan autonomous channels are fully in Catalan language. The two autonomies share the same own language: Catalan; sometimes called Valencian too. This is not extraordinary as well as Spanish is sometimes called Castillian.
Popular protests of Valencian people and a judicial answer stopped some of the PP actions but not anyone. Some regions have lost the signal at all. This is an unique case in Europe. Popular movements begun a campaign called “Televisions without borders”. The aim is to promote the sharing of channels in neighbouring autonomies. They have reached an extraordinary number of signatures: 300.000. But they need 500.000 to be recognised by the Spanish government in this popular legislative initiative. This weekend, too, Acció Cultural del País Valencià (ACPV, Valencian Country Cultural Action) will climb to the mountains were TV reception engines have been closed: on January 23 to the Montduver and on January 24 to the Bartolo (with buses from Castelló and Vila-real). There will be popular meetings in support of the initiative at the end of the rallies. Basque and Galician associations are being to support “Televisions without borders too” so the half a million signatures could be achieved.
Popular protests of Valencian people and a judicial answer stopped some of the PP actions but not anyone. Some regions have lost the signal at all. This is an unique case in Europe. Popular movements begun a campaign called “Televisions without borders”. The aim is to promote the sharing of channels in neighbouring autonomies. They have reached an extraordinary number of signatures: 300.000. But they need 500.000 to be recognised by the Spanish government in this popular legislative initiative. This weekend, too, Acció Cultural del País Valencià (ACPV, Valencian Country Cultural Action) will climb to the mountains were TV reception engines have been closed: on January 23 to the Montduver and on January 24 to the Bartolo (with buses from Castelló and Vila-real). There will be popular meetings in support of the initiative at the end of the rallies. Basque and Galician associations are being to support “Televisions without borders too” so the half a million signatures could be achieved.
diumenge, 17 de gener del 2010
Burning of Vila-real (1706) remembered
The Succession war was used by Castille to transform the Spanish kingdoms in a centralist structure. It reversed the federal basis where every country had their own institutions. Catalan countries, allied with Britain, fought fiercely against the Franco-Spanish alliance to preserve their own constitutions and parliaments. One of the sadest chapters of this war was in Vila-real (Valencian Country).
On January 12th, 1706 Spanish troops were stopped by the Vila-real population. The battle was hard and died about half a thousand people. Once defeated, Vila-real was sacked by the Spanish with hate. About 10 % of the local population was killed. Never again so many people of this city died in only one day. Later the Franco-Spanish army burned the village. Just for this battle a British-Catalan army conquered València hours later because the Spanish army sent to defend the main city was delayed in Vila-real.
The local independentist movement, Esquerra Independentista de la Plana, demonstrated on Saturday 16.01.2009 with the slogan “We’ve memory. 1706. We don’t forget.”. One of the movements which form the EIP is just called Maulets, the name of the Valencian fighters who opposed the Castilians in the succession war.
About a hundred people marched by the Vila-real streets shouting songs against the Spanish occupation which, in fact, has its roots in battles as the 1706 Vila-real burning. Later, a popular lunch and a concert took place too. This is the second consecutive year that such a commemoration tooks place after a decade without a signle independentist demonstration in the Vila-real city.
dilluns, 11 de gener del 2010
"La nostra terra" republished in Mallorca
“La nostra terra” (Our land) was a cultural magazine published in Mallorca from January 1928 to May 1936. The domains of art, literature and science were reviewed in almost a hundred issues. Cultural personalities as Picasso collaborated as well as there were translations of works from Gorki or other writers of the moment. Studies about Kierkegaard, Le Corbusier, Stravinsky, Bartók shows the high quality of the magazine. More than two hundred people, from the Catalan Countries, published in “La nostra terra”.
The Institut d’Estudis Baleàrics has reprinted the issues published in five books as a evidence of the Catalan national unity as well as its will to be open to the world. Their main idea was that every Balearic island had its own identity; but all of them were united thanks to the Catalan nationality.
As many other Catalan cultural initiatives, this magazine was abolished by the Spanish nationalist dictatorship in 1936. The damage done for forty years of dictatorship and 300 years of Spanish fierce imposition is still to be reversed.
The Institut d’Estudis Baleàrics has reprinted the issues published in five books as a evidence of the Catalan national unity as well as its will to be open to the world. Their main idea was that every Balearic island had its own identity; but all of them were united thanks to the Catalan nationality.
As many other Catalan cultural initiatives, this magazine was abolished by the Spanish nationalist dictatorship in 1936. The damage done for forty years of dictatorship and 300 years of Spanish fierce imposition is still to be reversed.
dissabte, 9 de gener del 2010
"An Phoblacht" talks about Catalan referendums
The Irish newspaper "An Phoblacht" (The Republic) talks about the Catalan referendums celebrated last December. It includes the opinion of Lluís Sales i Favà, a CUP ( Candidatura d'Unitat Popular, Popular Unity Candidature) member, about the process. The Irish paper opinion is that the referendums are steps in the way towards a Catalan national referendum.
Link : http://www.anphoblacht.com/news/detail/39338
Link : http://www.anphoblacht.com/news/detail/39338
divendres, 8 de gener del 2010
Reply to "The Economist" (Of bulls and ballots) by Emma Collective
In its haste to pass judgment not only on the Catalans’ actions but also on their alleged shady motives, The Economist has found it convenient to mix up two unrelated issues (“Of bulls and ballots”, January 7th 2010), omitting in the process a few facts that we believe should be emphasized.
On the tiresome matter of bullfights, we are forced to point out first of all that, contrary to what is implied in the article, there is in Catalonia no tradition remotely comparable to the “glorious” ritual of methodical torture and messy death that Spaniards have chosen as a national symbol. Fearing for that symbol, Spanish nationalists are now yelling bloody murder because they see the proposed ban as a Catalan attack on some fundamental component of Spanishness. Interestingly, no one regarded a similar ban that was passed in the Canary Islands in 1991 as a crime against the state. The fact is that, rather than being the expression of a hidden nationalist agenda, the proposition that has been accepted for debate by the Catalan parliament was initiated by a strictly non-political animal-rights organization that managed to collect over 180,000 signatures in support of the ban – well above the 50,000 that are needed for any such popular motion to be considered. So if any groups in Catalonia feel that strongly about bullfights, as a spectacle or as a symbol, all they have to do is scrape together 50,000 signatures against the proposition. And good luck with that.
As regards the more substantial issue of the popular consultations on independence that were held in several towns a few weeks ago, we fear that The Economist may have been misled by the official Spanish line into making light of that initiative and dismissing it as a total failure. The vicious attacks directed against it in the Spanish media should have given a clue as to how seriously it had been taken in the capital, where centralist nerves were definitely rattled when almost 200,000 people turned out to vote in a symbolic poll held by private entities with little financial support and facing a virtual media boycott, while the major parties kept their distance or squarely opposed it.
It would be unwise to brush off the 27% turnout and the 95% pro-independence vote obtained under such unfavourable circumstances, especially if one considers that the socialist party is now governing in Catalonia with the support of just over 15% of the total electorate after the tireless campaigning and the barrage of media attention that come with a regular election. Regardless of what they may say in Madrid – and regardless of what they really think – the established Catalan parties have already engaged in some serious soul-searching, and with good reason: a recent opinion poll put the pro-independence camp at just over 50%, while in a second unrelated poll 57% of those who in the 2006 election voted for CiU, usually described as a “moderate nationalist party”, declared themselves for independence; and so did, more surprisingly, 30% of those who had voted for the socialist party, still a bastion of Spanish unionism in Catalonia.
So concluding, as The Economist does, that a referendum on independence in Catalonia “would surely produce a large no” is at best risky. But that will remain a moot point as long as the Spanish authorities doggedly, and quite undemocratically, refuse to allow such a referendum to be held. In the meantime, a good pointer to the road that Catalans will choose to follow will be given by the upcoming parliamentary elections. When recent ballots have been held in a climate of indifference and abstention figures have been high, the 200,000 voters of December 13th can be considered to represent the “quality vote” that will be up for grabs in the next election in that they are a fraction of the growing number of people who are sure to show up at the polls when a genuinely inspiring option is presented to them. The flaccid autonomy charter that The Economist rightly describes as just giving “small nudges” towards devolution is certainly not that option anymore. The socialist party may still be clinging to it for dear life, and CiU will still pay some lip service while waiting for the decision from the Constitutional Tribunal in Madrid, which has been fiddling with it for over three years now, but the statute is probably dead on arrival. For starters, no one can seriously think that it is for twelve Spanish judges to decide, among other things, whether or not Catalonia is a nation and, no matter what they have up their sleeve, it is becoming clear that their ruling will have no lasting effect on Catalan politics.
Putting an end to the devolution process, especially when it comes to Catalonia, remains high on the Spanish agenda. But if Catalonia is a vexing problem for Spain, so is Spain for Catalonia. The Spanish economic miracle that so many in Europe were dazzled with has now been exposed as the bluff that it always was – not least by The Economist in several recent articles, and only a few days ago in a harsh Financial Times editorial. The next step would be for international observers to recognize as well the intrinsic flaws of a Spanish political project that was initiated under the shadow of a 40-year-old dictatorship and is still tainted by that original sin. Mixing hope and wariness, many Catalans have gone along with that project for over thirty years now, but their frustration is growing as they see that Spain still refuses to acknowledge those intrinsic flaws. So today, when others options are taking shape, no one should be surprised if Catalans would seek to explore them.
As to the question of where the “path of devolution” must end, that is ultimately for the Catalans – and only for them – to decide, including in a free, fair and binding referendum on independence.
On the tiresome matter of bullfights, we are forced to point out first of all that, contrary to what is implied in the article, there is in Catalonia no tradition remotely comparable to the “glorious” ritual of methodical torture and messy death that Spaniards have chosen as a national symbol. Fearing for that symbol, Spanish nationalists are now yelling bloody murder because they see the proposed ban as a Catalan attack on some fundamental component of Spanishness. Interestingly, no one regarded a similar ban that was passed in the Canary Islands in 1991 as a crime against the state. The fact is that, rather than being the expression of a hidden nationalist agenda, the proposition that has been accepted for debate by the Catalan parliament was initiated by a strictly non-political animal-rights organization that managed to collect over 180,000 signatures in support of the ban – well above the 50,000 that are needed for any such popular motion to be considered. So if any groups in Catalonia feel that strongly about bullfights, as a spectacle or as a symbol, all they have to do is scrape together 50,000 signatures against the proposition. And good luck with that.
As regards the more substantial issue of the popular consultations on independence that were held in several towns a few weeks ago, we fear that The Economist may have been misled by the official Spanish line into making light of that initiative and dismissing it as a total failure. The vicious attacks directed against it in the Spanish media should have given a clue as to how seriously it had been taken in the capital, where centralist nerves were definitely rattled when almost 200,000 people turned out to vote in a symbolic poll held by private entities with little financial support and facing a virtual media boycott, while the major parties kept their distance or squarely opposed it.
It would be unwise to brush off the 27% turnout and the 95% pro-independence vote obtained under such unfavourable circumstances, especially if one considers that the socialist party is now governing in Catalonia with the support of just over 15% of the total electorate after the tireless campaigning and the barrage of media attention that come with a regular election. Regardless of what they may say in Madrid – and regardless of what they really think – the established Catalan parties have already engaged in some serious soul-searching, and with good reason: a recent opinion poll put the pro-independence camp at just over 50%, while in a second unrelated poll 57% of those who in the 2006 election voted for CiU, usually described as a “moderate nationalist party”, declared themselves for independence; and so did, more surprisingly, 30% of those who had voted for the socialist party, still a bastion of Spanish unionism in Catalonia.
So concluding, as The Economist does, that a referendum on independence in Catalonia “would surely produce a large no” is at best risky. But that will remain a moot point as long as the Spanish authorities doggedly, and quite undemocratically, refuse to allow such a referendum to be held. In the meantime, a good pointer to the road that Catalans will choose to follow will be given by the upcoming parliamentary elections. When recent ballots have been held in a climate of indifference and abstention figures have been high, the 200,000 voters of December 13th can be considered to represent the “quality vote” that will be up for grabs in the next election in that they are a fraction of the growing number of people who are sure to show up at the polls when a genuinely inspiring option is presented to them. The flaccid autonomy charter that The Economist rightly describes as just giving “small nudges” towards devolution is certainly not that option anymore. The socialist party may still be clinging to it for dear life, and CiU will still pay some lip service while waiting for the decision from the Constitutional Tribunal in Madrid, which has been fiddling with it for over three years now, but the statute is probably dead on arrival. For starters, no one can seriously think that it is for twelve Spanish judges to decide, among other things, whether or not Catalonia is a nation and, no matter what they have up their sleeve, it is becoming clear that their ruling will have no lasting effect on Catalan politics.
Putting an end to the devolution process, especially when it comes to Catalonia, remains high on the Spanish agenda. But if Catalonia is a vexing problem for Spain, so is Spain for Catalonia. The Spanish economic miracle that so many in Europe were dazzled with has now been exposed as the bluff that it always was – not least by The Economist in several recent articles, and only a few days ago in a harsh Financial Times editorial. The next step would be for international observers to recognize as well the intrinsic flaws of a Spanish political project that was initiated under the shadow of a 40-year-old dictatorship and is still tainted by that original sin. Mixing hope and wariness, many Catalans have gone along with that project for over thirty years now, but their frustration is growing as they see that Spain still refuses to acknowledge those intrinsic flaws. So today, when others options are taking shape, no one should be surprised if Catalans would seek to explore them.
As to the question of where the “path of devolution” must end, that is ultimately for the Catalans – and only for them – to decide, including in a free, fair and binding referendum on independence.
dimecres, 6 de gener del 2010
People prosecuted for collecting signatures
Thirteen people have been convoked by Spanish judges for collecting signatures in favour of self-determination right. They are members of the Platform for the Right to Decide (Plataforma pel Dret a Decidir) as well as militants of CUP, ERC and Reagrupament. Spanish judges accuse the militants to collect signatures just in a election day. In spite of this several hundred people collected signatures the same day and have been not prosecuted.
dijous, 31 de desembre del 2009
Mallorca decides Catalan Countries
780 years ago Catalan troops guided by the king Jaume I conquered the city of Mallorca. It was the beginning of the Catalan presence in the island because the Muslim propulation was replaced by a Catalan one. Some years ago the descendants of that population celebrate the conquest on 31.12.1229. It is time too to vindicate the right of self-determination. This year dozens of political and social groups united in the Platform 31D celebrated a demonstration in Palma. The slogan was "Spain and France are crisis. We decide Catalan Countries". About 4.000 people marched around the Palma's streets and burned Spanish flags. A concert finished the demonstration. About twenty years ago this march was followed only by a handful of people, about a hundred. A new generation of young people fully supports Mallorca's independence and the unity with the rest of the Catalan nation.
The march culminated two weeks of acts in almost every village of Mallorca's island in a big effort by several groups as Obra Cultural Balear (OCB) and the new born Esquerra Independentista de Mallorca (EIM) to popularize the celebration. Delegations from continental Catalonia as well as Galicia and Basque Country supported the actions.
The march culminated two weeks of acts in almost every village of Mallorca's island in a big effort by several groups as Obra Cultural Balear (OCB) and the new born Esquerra Independentista de Mallorca (EIM) to popularize the celebration. Delegations from continental Catalonia as well as Galicia and Basque Country supported the actions.
dijous, 24 de desembre del 2009
Catalogne- Journal d’une observation internationale (Daniel Turp, Québec)
Daniel Turp is a politician in Quebec. He has served as Member of Parliament and as a member of the Quebec National Assembly. He gained a Master's degree at the Université de Montréal in 1978. He has worked for the Canadian International Development Agency, and was called as an expert for the Bélanger-Campeau Commission on Quebec's constitutional future. He has taught several law courses at the University of Paris X (1986-1996), The International Institute of Human Rights in Strasbourg (1988) and Harvard University (1996). He has also been a director of studies at the International law academy in The Hague (1995). After lengthy studies, he obtained a doctorate in law at the University of Paris II in 1990. He is also interested in international law and globalization and once worked as a specialist at Harvard University.
He was as an observer during the December 13th referendums in Catalonia. Turp exposes his opinions about the Catalan referendum in his political blog. It is in French language.
He was as an observer during the December 13th referendums in Catalonia. Turp exposes his opinions about the Catalan referendum in his political blog. It is in French language.
dimecres, 23 de desembre del 2009
Catalan national selection wins over Argentina
Over 53.000 spectators at Camp Nou to view the match between national selections from Catalonia and Argentina. The weather was very cold, just in winter time. It was on December 22nd.
Catalonia won 4-2 in the first match with Johan Cruyff as a coach. Catalunya competes in friendlies against international teams but isn't permitted to play in official competitions. A full national selection was vindicated with the slogan "One nation, one selection".
Catalonia won 4-2 in the first match with Johan Cruyff as a coach. Catalunya competes in friendlies against international teams but isn't permitted to play in official competitions. A full national selection was vindicated with the slogan "One nation, one selection".
dilluns, 21 de desembre del 2009
Catalan Parliament says “yes” to ban bullfighting (so far)
Last week the PLI to ban bullfigthing in Catalonia went over its first serious obstacle when the global ammendments to text were rejected in the Catalan Parliament. The amendments, introduced by the PSC, PP and Ciutadants, were rejected by 67 votes against 59. Now, the Catalan Parliament will debate the measures contained within the PLI, draft a law, debate it, and, eventually, the law will be voted upon and enacted by summer 2010.
The fact that the PLI has been approved is, indeed, a major step towards the final banning of bullfighting. However -and I wouldn’t like to be a wet blanket- this will be nothing more than an anecdote if the final vote is won by the pro-bullfighting sectors. And, to my mind, they have far more power and resources to have a majority in the Catalan Parliament when the right time arrives than those who seek to stop this cruel practice in Catalonia. They will have the support from Spain, its government, its main parties, its media and an endless flux of money to campaign, lobby and, if its necessary, coerce or blackmail members of the Catalan Parliament. It may sound exaggerated, and I hope I’m wrong, but to think the battle is won or that we are half-way through is plain and simple ingenuousness.
The fact that the PLI has been approved is, indeed, a major step towards the final banning of bullfighting. However -and I wouldn’t like to be a wet blanket- this will be nothing more than an anecdote if the final vote is won by the pro-bullfighting sectors. And, to my mind, they have far more power and resources to have a majority in the Catalan Parliament when the right time arrives than those who seek to stop this cruel practice in Catalonia. They will have the support from Spain, its government, its main parties, its media and an endless flux of money to campaign, lobby and, if its necessary, coerce or blackmail members of the Catalan Parliament. It may sound exaggerated, and I hope I’m wrong, but to think the battle is won or that we are half-way through is plain and simple ingenuousness.
diumenge, 20 de desembre del 2009
Catalan club Barcelona officially the best team of the world
Striker Mauro Boselli had put the Libertadores Cup holders ahead in the 37th minute, Pedro equalised in the 89th and Messi struck with 10 minutes remaining in extra time to hand the European champions the world crown for the first time.
The first clear-cut opening fell to the Argentine underdogs in the fifth minute. Juan Sebastian Veron, who was bringing out all his midfield mastery from years gone by, dinked a delightful ball into the path of Enzo Perez, with Victor Valdes coming quick off his line in order to snuff out the opportunity and Carlos Puyol eventually blasting the ball away to safety.
Barca had a golden opportunity to open the scoring through their star playmaker Xavi. Following good link-up play between Dani Alves and Zlatan Ibrahimovic down the Barca right, Xavi found himself in a one-on-one opportunity with Damian Albil in the Estudiantes goal.
However, rather than take on the shot, the Spanish midfielder attempted to play in Thierry Henry who was arriving late from an acute angle. It, inevitably, proved to be the wrong decision and the chance fizzled out to nothing.
Estudiantes fashioned a heart-in-the-mouth moment in the 27th minute for the Barcelona fans, as a corner delivered by Leandro Benitez was not properly dealt with, and Veron let fly from the edge of the penalty area with a shot that went agonisingly wide of Valdes' far post.
Ballon d'Or winner Messi had been quiet throughout the opening exchanges, and it was to be his team-mate Xavi who would again be involved in another major talking point for Barcelona just past the half-hour mark.
Ibrahimovic again turned provider, hoisting the ball into the Estudiantes penalty area which Xavi chased down, only to be clipped by the on-rushing Albil. The contact appeared slight, but Barcelona had a case for a penalty which was not awarded.
Three minutes later, the breakthrough for Estudiantes came out of nothing. Boselli beat Puyol and Eric Abidal in the air, to power home a pinpoint cross from the left by Enzo Perez and give Estudiantes a lead at half-time which, although their efforts merited, was still something of a surprise. Barcelona's players came out with Pep Guardiola's words still ringing in their ears and, consequently, began the second half with real purpose. Ibrahimovic came the closest with a sweetly-struck left-footed shot that flew just past Albil's far post. The talented Swede had spotted the gap, and was desperately unlucky in his failed attempt to execute.
However, as the time continued to pass, the frustration continued to mount for Barcelona. When they finally managed to fashion some space to allow for the creative talents of Messi and Xavi, Dan Alves failed to finish off the move. The ball eluding the Brazilian full-back, just after the hour mark, when any sort of meaningful contact would have given Barcelona an equaliser.
The sense of impatience from the Barcelona bench was becoming tangible. Guardiola had sent on Pedro for the disappointing Seydou Keita at the start of the second-half, and he was prepared to freshen up his attacking options once more as Jeffren took the place of Henry down the left-flank.
Immediately, Barcelona looked a different proposition and the South Americans were powerless to prevent a Barcelona equaliser coming with just one minute of normal time remaining.
Xavi chipped the ball into the box, and Gerard Pique managed to get his head to it. The tall centre-back directed the ball into the path of Pedro who calmly lobbed Albil from just a few yards out.
The Catalans started the first-half of extra-time positively and Messi, who had hardly sparked this final alight, smashed the ball wide when played in by Ibrahimovic.
But he was to make amends ten minutes before the end of extra time, when he chested in Alves' deep cross after ghosting in between Diaz and Cellay with Albil flapping at thin air.Barcelona had finally taken the lead 110 minutes into the match, and for all Estudiantes' efforts in fashioning an equaliser - including a glancing header from Boselli which just went the wrong side of the post following a delightful Veron delivery - they were unable to do so.
Thanks to Eurosport
The first clear-cut opening fell to the Argentine underdogs in the fifth minute. Juan Sebastian Veron, who was bringing out all his midfield mastery from years gone by, dinked a delightful ball into the path of Enzo Perez, with Victor Valdes coming quick off his line in order to snuff out the opportunity and Carlos Puyol eventually blasting the ball away to safety.
Barca had a golden opportunity to open the scoring through their star playmaker Xavi. Following good link-up play between Dani Alves and Zlatan Ibrahimovic down the Barca right, Xavi found himself in a one-on-one opportunity with Damian Albil in the Estudiantes goal.
However, rather than take on the shot, the Spanish midfielder attempted to play in Thierry Henry who was arriving late from an acute angle. It, inevitably, proved to be the wrong decision and the chance fizzled out to nothing.
Estudiantes fashioned a heart-in-the-mouth moment in the 27th minute for the Barcelona fans, as a corner delivered by Leandro Benitez was not properly dealt with, and Veron let fly from the edge of the penalty area with a shot that went agonisingly wide of Valdes' far post.
Ballon d'Or winner Messi had been quiet throughout the opening exchanges, and it was to be his team-mate Xavi who would again be involved in another major talking point for Barcelona just past the half-hour mark.
Ibrahimovic again turned provider, hoisting the ball into the Estudiantes penalty area which Xavi chased down, only to be clipped by the on-rushing Albil. The contact appeared slight, but Barcelona had a case for a penalty which was not awarded.
Three minutes later, the breakthrough for Estudiantes came out of nothing. Boselli beat Puyol and Eric Abidal in the air, to power home a pinpoint cross from the left by Enzo Perez and give Estudiantes a lead at half-time which, although their efforts merited, was still something of a surprise. Barcelona's players came out with Pep Guardiola's words still ringing in their ears and, consequently, began the second half with real purpose. Ibrahimovic came the closest with a sweetly-struck left-footed shot that flew just past Albil's far post. The talented Swede had spotted the gap, and was desperately unlucky in his failed attempt to execute.
However, as the time continued to pass, the frustration continued to mount for Barcelona. When they finally managed to fashion some space to allow for the creative talents of Messi and Xavi, Dan Alves failed to finish off the move. The ball eluding the Brazilian full-back, just after the hour mark, when any sort of meaningful contact would have given Barcelona an equaliser.
The sense of impatience from the Barcelona bench was becoming tangible. Guardiola had sent on Pedro for the disappointing Seydou Keita at the start of the second-half, and he was prepared to freshen up his attacking options once more as Jeffren took the place of Henry down the left-flank.
Immediately, Barcelona looked a different proposition and the South Americans were powerless to prevent a Barcelona equaliser coming with just one minute of normal time remaining.
Xavi chipped the ball into the box, and Gerard Pique managed to get his head to it. The tall centre-back directed the ball into the path of Pedro who calmly lobbed Albil from just a few yards out.
The Catalans started the first-half of extra-time positively and Messi, who had hardly sparked this final alight, smashed the ball wide when played in by Ibrahimovic.
But he was to make amends ten minutes before the end of extra time, when he chested in Alves' deep cross after ghosting in between Diaz and Cellay with Albil flapping at thin air.Barcelona had finally taken the lead 110 minutes into the match, and for all Estudiantes' efforts in fashioning an equaliser - including a glancing header from Boselli which just went the wrong side of the post following a delightful Veron delivery - they were unable to do so.
Thanks to Eurosport
divendres, 18 de desembre del 2009
Catalonian parliament edges towards bullfighting ban
Today’s result puts in motion a parliamentary process that will take place during the first half of 2010. Future votes could result in extending the Animal Protection Law, which will effectively result in the enforcement of a ban on the cruelty of bullfighting.
WSPA has backed Plataforma ‘Prou’ (‘enough’ in English) who have campaigned for an end to the inhumane treatment of bulls and horses in bullfights. Prou is made up of Spanish citizens who have ‘had enough’ of the parliament’s refusal to acknowledge their wish for a ban.
Huge local support
The Prou campaign led a Popular Legislative Initiative (PLI) in favour of a ban on bullfights in Catalonia and, within the allotted time, collected 180,000 signatures from Catalonian citizens.
This is over three times the required number to force a vote in the regional parliament.
“By voting in this way, MPs have acknowledged and respected the views of over 180,000 Catalonian citizens who have expressed their wish for bullfights to be banned.
“WSPA would also like to praise Catalonians for voicing their views and forcing their political representatives to act on an important issue like the protection of animals from cruel and inhumane practices,” said Alyx Dow, WSPA’s anti-bullfighting progamme manager.
An end in sight …
A successful PLI in Catalonia would not only lead to 100 less bulls being inhumanely slaughtered in the ring every year, it could also lead the way for the rest of Spain and other bullfighting countries to embrace a modern culture without cruelty.
The anti-bullfighting movement is experiencing growing support throughout the world, with a surge of towns and regions across Europe and Latin America declaring themselves ‘anti-bullfighting’ in the last two years.
“WSPA has collected the signatures of over 85,000 concerned people from over 140 countries, all supporting Prou. With this added encouragement from the international community, WSPA hopes Catalonian MPs will feel confident in boldly speaking out against the cruelty displayed in bullfights in the next votes,” said Dow.
Thanks to the World Society for the Portection af Animals (USA) for its kindness.
WSPA has backed Plataforma ‘Prou’ (‘enough’ in English) who have campaigned for an end to the inhumane treatment of bulls and horses in bullfights. Prou is made up of Spanish citizens who have ‘had enough’ of the parliament’s refusal to acknowledge their wish for a ban.
Huge local support
The Prou campaign led a Popular Legislative Initiative (PLI) in favour of a ban on bullfights in Catalonia and, within the allotted time, collected 180,000 signatures from Catalonian citizens.
This is over three times the required number to force a vote in the regional parliament.
“By voting in this way, MPs have acknowledged and respected the views of over 180,000 Catalonian citizens who have expressed their wish for bullfights to be banned.
“WSPA would also like to praise Catalonians for voicing their views and forcing their political representatives to act on an important issue like the protection of animals from cruel and inhumane practices,” said Alyx Dow, WSPA’s anti-bullfighting progamme manager.
An end in sight …
A successful PLI in Catalonia would not only lead to 100 less bulls being inhumanely slaughtered in the ring every year, it could also lead the way for the rest of Spain and other bullfighting countries to embrace a modern culture without cruelty.
The anti-bullfighting movement is experiencing growing support throughout the world, with a surge of towns and regions across Europe and Latin America declaring themselves ‘anti-bullfighting’ in the last two years.
“WSPA has collected the signatures of over 85,000 concerned people from over 140 countries, all supporting Prou. With this added encouragement from the international community, WSPA hopes Catalonian MPs will feel confident in boldly speaking out against the cruelty displayed in bullfights in the next votes,” said Dow.
Thanks to the World Society for the Portection af Animals (USA) for its kindness.
Subscriure's a:
Missatges (Atom)












